On January 7, four white women—Rebeika Powell and Kayetie Powell-Melchor; and Julie Jackson and Misty Nunley, pictured above —were slaughtered in a Tulsa apartment, allegedly by two black brothers, James and Cedric Poore, pictured below, who appeared in court today [Hearings Set For Brothers Charged In 4 Tulsa Deaths, by Russell Hulstine, NewsOn6.com February 22, 2013].
Needless to say, the national Main Stream Media (MSM) is refusing to report this story, just as it refused to report previous black-on-white Tulsa atrocities within the last two years: gentle young sweethearts Carissa Horton and Ethan Nichols; Dorothy and Bob Strait, who had been married for 60 years; and retiree William Zachary.
Local responses to the slaughter of the four white women were also bizarre in ways that have become banal in the age of racial socialism. Mayor Dewey Bartlett blamed “poverty” and “out-of-state apartment owners.”
Murder victims Carissa Horton, 18, and Ethan Nichols, 21.
Jerard Davis and Darren Price have been charged; each says the other pulled the trigger.
Tulsa murder victims Bob and Nancy Strait
Tyrone Woodfork, charged with the first-degree rape and murder of Nancy Strait etc.; the authorities “disappeared” the murder of Bob Strait, who hung on for weeks before dying from a brutal beating, declaring it to be of natural causes
What’s going on here? I can’t improve on the description at the Facebook page “We Are All Chris Dorner,” set up to celebrate the black ex-LAPD spree killer: “Yes, this is war”. (Christopher Dorner Update: Social media support seen for ex-cop accused of killing spree, February 11, 2013)
Suits me. I consider myself a war correspondent. Since 1990, I’ve been covering America’s longest-running war: The race war that blacks have been waging on whites.
I know; I’m crazy. Paranoid. Delusional. Leftist whites—not to mention blacks—will respond, “There is no race war, except for the one whites are waging on blacks.” Neocons will say, “Race relations are better than ever, except for demagogues like Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton.”
But I have a peculiar habit. When someone tells me he’s going to kill me, I take him seriously.
In 1972, when I was 14, a black boy a year younger than me, John Henry Wright, declared:
“We gon’ kill all the white people.”
“Even you, Stix.”
I was then the token white in a small black gang led by Alan “Pancho” Hankins, with John Henry Wright and Arthur Harris. Our main pastime was shoplifting. The other fellows would act as decoys in Waldbaum’s, leading store security astray, while I’d walk out with 20-pound turkeys and such.
Pancho was big on sadism—and masochism. One time he made me beat a really nice, working-class Jewish kid to a pulp. “Beat him, Stix! Beat him, or I’ll beat you!”
But another time, Pancho made me torture him, ordering me to twist his legs practically out of their sockets. “Do it! Do it!” he screamed, while I inflicted pain on him.
I broke free of the gang when “Pancho” and John Henry started saying things like, “You our slave,” cheating me out of my shoplifting proceeds, and threatening to beat me.
I guess they were just being consistent.
I was eventually adjudicated a juvenile delinquent—not for shoplifting, but for truancy. I was big on learning, but not so big on attending school, except for gym and hanging out in the boys’ room, smoking with the Irish and Italian kids, and answering multiplication questions they would try and stump me with.
For years, I eluded my junior high school vice-principal, John V. Ryan, who’d had his heart set on incarcerating me in reform school. When I turned 16 and convinced my mom to sign me out of high school, I thought I was home free. However, my probation officer had another idea: I could attend a “democratic” reform school called the George Junior Republic, or something called the Youth Justice Program.
I wanted to avoid reform school, democratic or otherwise.
When I joined the overwhelmingly male YJP in its second or third week that summer, there were 69 black kids and 13 whites. By its end, there were 65 black kids, and at most five whites. The blacks violently ran off most of the whites, including my drug-dealing roommate, but I had nowhere to go. I would lie in bed at night, and mutter to myself, “I will not let those n[deleted because of corporate censorware]s run me out of here!”
The program was a life-changing experience. Granted, three times black kids named Rickey Booker, “Bo Diddley,” and Johnnie Wilson tried to end my “education.” I earned the nickname among most of the black kids as “the white boy with heart.” They’d never seen a white talk back to a black, or refuse to let one cut in front of him on a cafeteria line. However, kids behind me in line would continuously jump forward, and slap me on the back of the head.
The program was run the first year by Rupert “Butch” Jemott, Keith Carpenter, Jackie and Bob Ancrum, Cecil Canton, Rose Ross, the karate sensei, Furman Simmons, the art teacher Lola, et al.
Even though they were black nationalists, those folks (especially Sensei and Lola) showed me a lot of love. I never felt the sort of genocidal hatred from them that I have since felt emanate from virtually all black nationalists.
This YJP was run by an Economic Opportunity Commission, one of many founded by Lyndon Johnson, as part of his “War on Poverty,” to buy the black vote. Subsequently, Richard Nixon foolishly sought to co-opt black nationalists by giving them even more money and “programs.” It was an exercise in subsidizing muggers.
The YJP was officially designed to divert black juvenile delinquents from a life of crime. But in fact, the black supremacists who ran the Nassau County EOCs, and their counterparts, led by Leroy Weathers, who took over the second summer program in 1975, sought to turn the black kids into an army of racial revolution.
During the second summer program, the youth workers assigned us the unreadable novel, The Spook Who Sat by the Door, by Sam Greenlee, the U.S. Information Agency’s first Affirmative Action hire. Spook tells of the first black CIA agent, “Freeman,” who crisscrosses the country, organizing black urban youth gangs into a revolutionary army. At the end of the book, the blacks rise up and are slaying whitey.
The youth workers thought that Spook was not only great literature, but a realistic plan for action. I briefly debated them, more offended by the book’s awful quality than its evil message.
But, since no other student said anything, I suspect that I was the only one who even tried to read it.
James Graydon was the founder of the Long Beach EOC. According to a Newsday story, circa 1970, Graydon had gotten into a dispute with a man, gone home and collected a shotgun, returned and shot the man to death.
Court records show that Graydon was convicted of manslaughter, but then released on appeal, based on a technicality. In any case, he lost control of the EOC. But, in November, 1974 I believe, our assistant director and future director, Bill Hughes, invited Graydon back to speak as a role model. Although it was already dark outside, Graydon, wearing sunglasses and a psychopathic smile, recounted the glories of the race riots of a few years earlier, musing that it was “time to throw some more Molotov cocktails.”
Graydon's vision actually happened—In 1968, in Wilmington, Delaware, members of the Wilmington Youth Emergency Action Council formed a “Liberation Army,” and were caught with numerous caches of weapons.[Gang Payoff Charges Aim Of Senate Probers, UPI, October 12, 1968]
The race war is at least a century old.
If we leave off black slavery-era race warriors, such as Denmark Vesey and Nat Turner, the modern black race war in America started with religio-political cults such as Timothy Drew’s Moorish Science Temple (1913), Jamaican Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association (1916), and New Zealander Wallace Dodd Fard’s Nation of Islam (1930). (The South Asian Fard didn’t have a drop of black blood, but passed for black.)
These bloody cults initially had little impact. Drew’s rivals murdered him, and the white authorities showed sanity in dealing with Garvey, whom they deported, and the NOI, which they ran out of Detroit. However, Chicago authorities permitted the murderous cult to set down roots and flourish.
But today our ruling elites treat such cults like royalty.
There’s a huge black literature of genocide from the NOI, Black Liberation Theology, Frances Cress Welsing, Amos Wilson, et al.
Black Liberation Theology’s most famous adherent just got re-elected president.
The black race war has thrived because it enjoyed the support of organizations such as the white-founded NAACP, the antiversites, the MSM, and the courts, and because white Communists realized that they could use blacks to topple free Western governments.
Thurgood Marshall, the NAACP’s lead counsel in the Brown case, later told his Supreme Court colleague, William O. Douglas, that the real point of “integration” was not equality, but to conquer whites:
The evils of the past (e.g., slavery) were committed against—and by—persons of the past. We can neither punish the perpetrators nor compensate the victims.Moreover, we ourselves are not these persons of the past. This seeming truism was lost on Justice Thurgood Marshall, who, in response to the condemnation of any government bias against or in favor of anyone, bellowed, ‘You guys [i.e., white people] have been practicing discrimination for years. Now it's our [i.e., black people's] turn.’ Again, most, if not all, of the people today, black and white, were not even alive during those past periods of injustice. But what would this racial eye-for-an-eye theory of ‘discrimination’ mean in practice? The implementation of a Jim Crow system against whites? The resurrection of involuntary servitude with whites as slaves?
[Affirmative Action, Negative Justice by Barry Loberfeld, Front Page Magazine, September 21, 2003.]
“Mainstream scholarship” on race today consists almost entirely of lies intended to serve the black race war: “race doesn’t exist;” blacks [i.e., a non-existent race] suffer from “low self-esteem”; Thomas Jefferson fathered Sally Hemings’ six or seven children; black students are disproportionately disciplined, and black men disproportionately imprisoned, due to racial profiling; “Ebonics” is equal to or superior to Standard English; the real crime problem in the Jim Crow South consisted of white men raping black women; etc. Journalism on race is no better.
Genocidal ideas have completely taken over academia, the schools, and the most respectable publishing operations.
White public school teachers are forced to attend Teacher Ed schools and, later, professional diversity training sessions, where racists of all colors tell them that they enjoy “white privilege.” To challenge this racist dogma is to commit professional suicide.
White teachers routinely endure racist black “students” who shower them with racial epithets, threaten them, maim them, and sometimes rape and murder them.
The common denominator to this pedagogy is that black adults teach black children to hate whites, and encourage them to harass, assault, rob, rape, and even murder them.
In Black Children: Their Roots, Culture, and Learning Styles, influential Wayne State University education professor Janice Hale [Email her] maintains that the number one component “for a curriculum for Black children” is “political/cultural (ideology).”
Education for struggle has a consciousness-raising function for Black people, instructing them concerning the following realities:
- who they are
- who the enemy is
- what the enemy is doing to them
- what to struggle for
- what form the struggle must take.
And Hale's proposals are for educating pre-schoolers!
The MSM has, since the 1960s, supported the black race war by engaging in largely a two-pronged campaign of covering up or, failing that, rationalizing away violent black racism; and creating a racial fairy tale of white racism, including, especially, racist white cops. Challenging the MSM’s racial fairy tale, whether in “J-school,” or later in a newsroom, is again, professional suicide.
The national MSM typically seek to suppress reporting on black massacres of whites and other atrocities. But when they can’t, they seek to turn the perpetrators into victims of “racism” who fought back, or were falsely convicted, most notoriously with the Omar Thornton, Trayvon Martin, Central Park Jogger, and Christopher Dorner cases.
Nkosi Thandiwe similarly claimed he was fighting racism, when he murdered Brittney Watts, maimed Lauren Garcia, and wounded Tiffancy Ferenczy. Racist black monsters increasingly also seek to get paid for their crimes.
But the war is not limited to violence. It entails non-violent measures as well, such as black shakedowns for anywhere from millions to billions of dollars, and even the harassment of white restaurant patrons. Whites have also seen the government confiscate trillions from them, to pay extortionate reparations to blacks, under threat of violence.
So, yes, this is war. America has to wake up to it—or die.
Nicholas Stix [email him] is a New York City-based journalist and researcher, much of whose work focuses on the nexus of race, crime, and education. He spent much of the 1990s teaching college in New York and New Jersey. His work has appeared in Chronicles, The New York Post, Weekly Standard, Daily News, New York Newsday, American Renaissance, Academic Questions, Ideas on Liberty and many other publications. Stix was the project director and principal author of the NPI report, The State of White America-2007. He blogs at Nicholas Stix, Uncensored.